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This silver pfennig from the Archbishopric of Magdeburg (1152-1192) was subject to a policy of renovatio monetae. Twice a year whoever held it had to bring it in to be changed for new coins at a rate of four old coins to three new coins. That suggests an annualized tax rate on coinage of 44%. Image source: British Museum This is another post in a series that explores how European monarchs harnessed the minting of coins to earn revenues for their coffers.  A king or queen generally resorted to two different strategies for profiting from the mints. The first was to mint long-lived coinage. The second involved issuing short-lived coinage subject to a policy of renovatio monetae, which is the topic of this post. These aren't mutually exclusive buckets. It's possible for elements of both policies to be blended together. Almost everything I've written about medieval coinage on this blog has been about the long-lived sort, because that was the dominant pattern in Europe. Under a long-lived coinage system, once a coin had been minted it remained in permanent legal circulation. For example, England's long-lived coinage policy meant that an English penny produced in 1600 would have been just as valid a hundred years later, in 1700, as a penny produced in 1699. The monarch earned a one-time fee from the original minting of the coin. More specifically, a citizen who brought raw silver to the royal mint left with that same amount of silver now transformed into coin form, less a small part going to the crown. This profit was known as seigniorage. In England, the seigniorage rate on silver typically hovered around 5%, my source for this number being The Debasement Puzzle by economists Rolnick, Velde, and Weber. Once a particular coin was produced, however, the king or queen no longer earned revenue from it. As society grew and more coins were needed, raw silver was constantly brought to the royal mints by the public in order to be coined, the monarch earning a steady stream of...
8th May 2024

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Why sanctions didn’t stop Russia's Garantex from using stablecoins

Stablecoins, a new type of financial institution, are unique in two ways. First, they use decentralized databases like Ethereum and Tron to run their platforms. Secondly, and more important for the purposes of this article, they grant access to almost anyone, no questions asked.  I'm going to illustrate this openness by showing how Garantex, a sanctioned Russian exchange that laundered ransomware and darknet payments, has enjoyed almost continual access to financial services offered by stablecoin platforms like Tether and USDC throughout its six year existence, despite a well-known reputation as a bad actor.  Last month, law enforcement seizures combined with an indictment and arrest of Garantex's operators appear to have finally severed Garantex's stablecoin connection... or not. Evidence shows that Garantex simply rebranded and slipped right back onto stablecoin platforms.   Stablecoins' no-vetting model is a stark departure from the finance industry's default due diligence model, adhered to by banks (such as Wells Fargo) and fintechs (such as PayPal). We all know the drill—provide two pieces of ID to open a payments account. Requirements for businesses will probably be more onerous. Anyone on a sanctions list will be left at the door. Banks and fintechs must identify who they let on their platforms because the law requires it. By contrast, to access the Tether or USDC platforms, the two leading U.S. dollar stablecoins, no ID is required. Anyone can start using stablecoin payments services without having to pass through a due diligence process. Sanctioned customers won't get kicked off, as Garantex's long-uninterrupted access shows. Regulators seem to tolerate this arrangement—so far, no stablecoin operators have faced penalties for money laundering or sanctions evasion. A quick history of the Tether-Garantex nexus Garantex became notorious early on for its role in laundering ransomware payments. Russian ransomware gangs hacked Western firms, extorted them for bitcoin ransoms, and cashed out at Moscow-based exchanges like Garantex. Garantex also became a popular venue for laundering darknet-related proceeds, particularly Hydra, once the largest darknet market. Reports allege that the exchange's shareholders have Kremlin links and that terror groups Hezbollah and Quds Force have used it. Founded in 2019, Garantex was connected to Tether's platform by August 2020. We know this because an archived version of Garantex's website from that month show trading and payment services being offered using Tether's token, USDT. Archived Garantex.org trading page from March 2024 with USDT-to-ruble, Dai-ruble, and USDC-ruble markets [link] This connection to Tether allowed Garantex's customers to transfer their Tether balances to Garantex's Tether wallet, in the same way that a shopper might use their U.S. dollar account at PayPal to make payments to a business with a PayPal account. This allowed Garantex's users to trade U.S. dollars (in the form of Tether) on its platform for bitcoins or ether, two volatile cryptocurrencies, and vice versa. The Tether linkage also meant that Garantex could offer a market for trading ruble-USD. By April 2022, Garantex's bad behaviour had caught up to it: the exchange was sanctioned by the U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Asset Control (OFAC). U.S. individual and entities were now prohibited from doing business with Garantex. Out of fear of being penalized, most non-Russian financial institutions would have quickly severed ties with it. Yet Tether, based in the British Virgin Islands at the time, permitted its relationship with Garantex to continue without interruption. Archived copies of Garantex's trading page from mid-2022 and 2023 show that Tether-denominated services were still being offered. The Wall Street Journal reported in 2023 that around 80% of the exchange’s trading involved Tether, despite sanctions being in place. The net amounts were not small. According to Bloomberg, an alleged $20 billion worth of Tether had been transacted via Garantex post-sanctions. A 2024 Wall Street Journal report revealed that sanctions-evading middlemen used Tether to "break up the connection" between buyers like Kalashnikov and sellers in Hong Kong, with Garantex serving as their venue for acquiring Tether balances.  Finally, analysis from Elliptic, a blockchain analytics firm, alleges that Garantex offered USDT trading services to North Korean hacking group Lazarus in June 2023. This transaction flow is illustrated below: The Garantex/Tether nexus in 2023: Elliptic alleges that North Korean hackers stole ether from Atomic Wallet, converted it to Tether using a decentralized exchange 1inch, and then sent Tether to Garantex to trade for bitcoin. (Click to enlarge.) Source: Twitter, Elliptic Tether's excuse for not off-boarding sanctioned entities such as Garantex? A supposed lack of government clarity.  When Tornado Cash was sanctioned in 2022, for instance, the company said that it would "hold firm" and not comply because the U.S. Treasury had "not indicated" whether stablecoin issuers were required to ban sanctioned entities from using what Tether refers to as "secondary market addresses." Translating, Tether was saying that if bad actors wanted to use Tether's platform to transact with other Tether users (i.e. in the "secondary market"), it would let them do so. Tether's only obligation, the company believed, was to stop sanctioned users from asking Tether itself to directly cash them out of the platform into U.S. dollars (i.e. the "primary market"). This is quite the statement. Imagine if PayPal allowed everyone—including sanctioned actors—to open an account without ID and send funds freely within its system, only intervening when bad actors asked PayPal to cash them out into regular dollars. That was Tether's stance. Or if Wells Fargo let sanctioned actors make payments with other Wells Fargo customers, but only stopped them from withdrawing at ATM. Banks and fintechs can't get away with such a bare bones compliance strategy; they must do due diligence on all their users. But Tether seemed to believe that a different set of rules applied to it. In December 2023, Tether reversed course. It would now initiate a new "voluntary" policy of freezing out all OFAC-listed actors using its platform, not just "primary market" sanctioned users seeking direct cash-outs. This brought Tether into what it described as "alignment" with the U.S. Treasury. Soon after, Tether froze three wallets linked by OFAC in 2022 to Garantex. However, this action was largely symbolic. By the time Tether froze those wallets, Garantex had already abandoned them and opened new ones, thus allowing the exchange to maintain access to Tether's platform. Tether's no-vetting model permitted this pivot. Archived versions of Garantex's trading page show that it continued offering Tether services throughout 2024 and early 2025. The U.S. Department of Justice recently confirmed Garantex's tactic of replacing wallets in its March 2025 indictment of the exchange's operators. It alleges that Garantex frequently cycled through new Tether wallet addresses—sometimes on a daily basis—to evade detection by U.S.-based crypto exchanges like Coinbase and Kraken, which are legally required to block customer payments made to sanctioned entities. That the relationship between Tether and Garantex continued even after Tether's supposed 180 degree turn to "align" itself with the U.S. government is backed up by several reports from blockchain analytics firm Chainalysis. The first, published in August 2024, found that a large purchaser of Russian drones used Garantex to process more than $100 million in Tether transactions. The second describes how Russian disinformation campaigners received $200,000 worth of Tether balances in 2023 and 2024, much of it directly from Garantex. In a March 2024 podcast, Chainalysis executives allege that "a majority" of activity on Garantex continued to be in stablecoins. After years of regular access to Tether's stablecoin platform, a rupture finally occurred earlier this month when Tether froze $23 million worth of Garantex's USDT balances at the request of law enforcement authorities. The move came in conjunction with a seizure by law enforcement of Garantex's website and servers.  Garantex's website was seized in March 2025 by a collection of law enforcement agencies. In a press release, Tether claimed that its actions against Garantex illustrated its ability to "track transactions and freeze USDt." But if Tether was so good at tracking its users, why did it connect a sanctioned party like Garantex in the first place, and continue to service it for over four years? Something doesn't add up. Not just Tether: other stablecoins offered Garantex access, too Tether doesn't appear to have been the only stablecoin platform to provide Garantex with access to its platform. MakerDAO (recently rebranded as Sky) and Circle Internet may have done so, too. Circle, based in Boston, manages the second-largest stablecoin, USDC. When OFAC put Garantex on its sanctions list in April 2022, Circle was quick to freeze one of the designated addresses. It did no hold any USDC balances. However, like Tether, Circle's no-vetting policy means that it doesn't do due diligence on users (sanctioned or not) who open new wallets, hold USDC in those wallets, and use them to make payments within the USDC system. Circle only checks the ID of users who ask it to cash them out. Thus, it would have been a cinch for Garantex to dodge Circle's initial freeze: just open up a new access point to the USDC platform. Which is exactly what appears to have happened. On March 30, 2022, Garantex used its Twitter/X account to announce that it was offering USDC-denominated services. Beginning at some point in the first half of 2022, close to the time that the U.S. Treasury's sanctions were announced, Garantex began to list USDC on its trading page (see screenshot at top). The exchange's trading page continued to advertise USDC-denominated financial services through 2023, 2024, and 2025 until its website was seized last month.  Tether, Circle's competitor, proceeded to freeze $23 million worth of USDT on behalf of law enforcement authorities, as already outlined. However, respected blockchain sleuth ZachXBT says that Circle did not itself interdict Garantex's access to the USDC payments platform, alleging that "a few Garantex addresses" holding USDC had not been blacklisted. MakerDAO is a geography-free financial institution that maintains and governs the Dai stablecoin, pegged to the U.S. dollar. Archived screenshots show that Garantex added Dai to its trading list by September 2020, not long after the exchange had enabled Tether connectivity. According to blockchain analytics firm Elliptic, Russian ransomware group Conti has used Garantex to get Dai-denominated financial services. Garantex is able to access the Dai platform because MakerDAO uses the same no-vetting model as Tether. In fact, MakerDAO takes an even more hands-off approach than the other stablecoin platforms: it didn't seize any of the original 2022 addresses emphasized by OFAC. That's because Dai was designed without freezing functionality. Not vetting users is lucrative Providing financial services to a sanctioned Garantex would have been profitable for Tether and competing stablecoin platforms managed by Circle and MakerDAO.  All stablecoins hold assets—typically treasury bills and other short term assets—to "back" the U.S. dollar tokens they have issued. They get to keep all the interest these assets generate for themselves rather than paying it to customers like Garantex. If we assume an average interest rate of 5% and that Garantex maintained a consistent $23 million in Tether balances over the 34 months from April 2022 (when it was sanctioned) to March 2025 (when it was finally frozen out), Tether could have earned approximately $3.2 million in interest courtesy of its relationship.  Not only does their no-vetting model mean that stablecoin platforms get to earn ongoing income from bad actors like Garantex, this model also seems... not illegal? Stablecoin legal teams have signed off on the setup, both those in the U.S. and overseas. Government licensing bodies like the New York Department of Financial Services don't seem to care that licensed stablecoins don't ask for ID, or at least they turn a blind eye. (Perhaps these government agencies are simply unaware?) Nor has the U.S. Department of Justice indicted a single stablecoin platform for money laundering, sanctions violations, or failing to have a compliance program, despite it being eleven years now since Tether's no-vetting model first appeared. The model seem to have legal chops. Or not? Banks and fintechs are no doubt looking on jealously at the no-vetting model. Had either PayPal or Wells Fargo allowed Garantex to get access to their payments services, the punishment would have been a large fine or even criminal charges. Sanctions violations are a strict liability offence, meaning that U.S. financial institutions can be held liable even if they only accidentally engage in sanctioned transactions. But more than a decade without punishment suggests stablecoins may be exempt. This hands-off approach benefits stablecoins not only on the revenue side (i.e they can earn ongoing revenues from sanctioned actors). It also reduces their costs: they can hire far fewer sanctions and anti-money laundering compliance staff than an equivalent bank or fintech platform. Tether earned $13 billion in last year with just 100 or so employees. That's more profits than Citigroup, the U.S.'s fourth largest bank with 229,000 employees, a gap due in no small part to Tether's no-vetting access model.  The coming financial migration? Zooming out from Garantex's stablecoin experience, what is the bigger picture?  I suspect that a great financial migration is likely upon us. Financial institutions can now seemingly provide services to the Garantex's of the world as long as the deliver them on a new type of substrate: decentralized databases. If so, banks and fintechs will very quickly shift their existing services over from centralized databases to decentralized ones in order to take advantage of their superior revenue opportunities and drastically lower compliance costs.  This impending shift isn't from an inferior technology to a superior one, but from an older rule-bound technology to a rule-free one. PayPal recently launching its own stablecoin is evidence that this migration is afoot. The argument many stablecoins advocates make to justify the replacement of full due diligence with a no-vetting access model is one based on financial inclusion. Consumers and legal businesses in places such as Turkey or Latin America, which suffer from high inflation, may want to hold digital dollars but don't necessarily have access to U.S. dollar accounts provided by local banks, perhaps because they don't qualify or lack trust in the domestic banking system. An open access model without vetting solves their problem.       What about the American voting public? Do they agree with this migration? The last few decades have been characterized by a policy whereby the government requires financial institutions to screen out dangerous actors like Garantex in order to protect the public. Forced to the fringes of the financial system, criminals encounter extra operating dangers and costs. The effort to sneak back in serves as an additional choke point to catch them. To boot, the additional complexity created by bank due diligence serves to dissuade many would-be criminals from engaging in crime. Is the public ready to let the Garantexes back in by default? I'm not so sure it is. Tether is available at Grinex, a Garantex reboot. [link] Garantex's stablecoin story didn't end with last month's seizures and indictment. According to blockchain analytics firm Global Ledger, the exchange has been renamed Grinex and continues to operate. Tether services are already available on this new look-alike exchange, as the screenshot above reveals. Global Ledger says that $29.6 million worth of Tether have already been moved to Grinex as of March 14, 2025.  This is the reality of an open-access, no-vetting financial system: bad actors slip in, eventually get cut off, and re-enter minutes later—an endless game of whack-a-mole that seems, for now at least, to be tolerated. It will only get larger as more financial institutions, eager to cut costs, gravitate to it.

2nd Apr 2025 73 votes
Trump-proofing Canada means ditching MasterCard and Visa

We're all busy doing our best to boycott U.S. products. I can't buy Special K cereal anymore, because it's made in the U.S. by Kellogg's. But I'm still buying Shreddies, which is made in Niagara Falls, Ontario. Even that's a grey area, since Shreddies is owned by Post, a big American company. Should I be boycotting it? Probably. However, the disturbing thing is that I'm paying for my carefully-curated basket of Canadian groceries with my MasterCard. If we really want to avoid U.S. products, we can't just vet the things we are buying. We also need to be careful about how we are doing our buying. Our Canadian credit cards are basically made-in-U.S. goods. They rely on the U.S-based Visa or MasterCard networks for processing. Each credit card transaction you make generates a few cents in revenue for these two American mega-corporations. It doesn't sound like much, but when multiplied by millions of Canadians using their cards every day, it adds up. Vigilant Canadians shouldn't be using them. Canadians who want to boycott American card networks have two options. Go back to paying with cash, which is 100% Canadian. Or transact with your debit card. Debit card transactions are routed via the made-in-Canada Interac debit network.* We're lucky to have a domestic debit card option. Our European friends are in a worse position, since many European countries (Poland, Sweden, the Netherlands, Finland, and Austria) are entirely reliant on MasterCard and Visa for both debit and credit card transactions.  Unfortunately, going back to debit cards means doing without all of the consumer protection that credit cards offer in an online environment. Worse, you're giving up your credit card rewards or cash back. If you don't pay with your 2% cash back credit card, for instance, and use your debit card instead, which doesn't offer a reward, you're effectively losing out on $2 for every $100 you spend. This should illustrate to you, I hope, the golden shackles imposed on us by our U.S.-based credit cards. It's fairly easy to replace your American-grown tomatoes with Mexican ones or your U.S.-made car with a Japanese car. But networks, which tend towards monopolization, are not so easy to bypass. Which gets us into the meatier issue of national sovereignty. The difficulty we all face boycotting the MasterCard and Visa networks reveals how Canada has let itself become over-reliant on these critical pieces of U.S financial infrastructure. My fear is that our neighbour's political leadership is only going to fall further into authoritarianism and belligerence, eventually making a play to slowly annex Canada—not by invasion, but by "Canshluss". If so, this will involve using our dependencies on U.S. systems, including the card networks, to extract concessions from us. "Canada, if you don't do x for me," says Trump in 2026, "we're TURNING OFF all your credit cards!"  In anticipation, we need to remove this particular financial dependency, quick. We're already safe when it comes to debit cards; we've got Interac. But we need the same independence for our credit cards. More specifically, we need to pursue an end-goal in which all Canadian credit cards are "co-badged". That means our credit cards would be able to use both the Visa/Mastercard card networks and Interac (or, if Interac can't be repurposed for credit cards, some other yet-to-be-built domestic credit card network). With co-badging, if your credit card payment can't be executed by Visa because of a Trump freeze order, at least the Canadian network will still process it. This is how the French card system works. While much of Europe suffers from a massive dependency on MasterCard and Visa, France is unique in having built a 100% French card solution. The local Carte Bancaire (CB) network can process both French debit card transactions, like Interac can, but goes one step further by also handling French credit card purchases. Before paying for their groceries with a card, French card holders get to choose which network to use, the local one or the international one. THIS IS WHAT CANADA NEEDS: This French credit card, issued by Credite Agricole, is co-badged with the domestic Carte Bancaire (CB) network and the international MasterCard network. When incidents occur on one route (CB, for instance), traffic is automatically routed to the back-up route, MasterCard, and vice versa. I think that a Canadian solution to the Trump problem would look something like this French CB card. The incoming Carney government should move to co-sponsor a CB-style domestic credit card network along with the big banks (perhaps a simple upgrade to Interac will do?). All Canadian financial institutions that issue credit cards would be required to co-badge them so that Canadians can connect to this new network as well as Visa or MasterCard. Even if annexation never actually occurs, at least we've got a more robust card system in place to deal with outages arising from hacking or natural disasters. Along with France, we can take inspiration from India, which introduced their Visa/MasterCard alternative, Rupay, in 2012. Thirteen years later, RuPay is now a genuine competitor with the American card networks. I can't believe I'm saying this, but we can also use Russia as a model, which was entirely dependent on Visa and MasterCard for card payments until it deployed its Mir card network in 2016—in the nick of time before Visa and MasterCard cut ties in 2022. Europe will have to push harder, too. The EU has been trying to rid itself of its Visa and MasterCard addiction for over a decade now, without much luck. Its first attempt, the Euro Alliance of Payment Schemes, was abandoned in 2013.  (In fact, one of the reasons the European Central Bank is exploring its own digital currency is to provide an alternative to the American card networks.) As Canada builds out its own domestic credit card workaround, we can learn from the European mistakes. The U.S. is no longer a clear friend. Boycotting U.S. products is one thing. But if we truly want to reduce the external threat, we need to build our own card infrastructure—before it's too late. * In-person debit payments are processed by the Interac network. However, online debit card transactions default to the Visa or MasterCard networks. While Interac does allow for online purchases, many retailers don't offer the option, and when they do, the checkout process requires the user to log into their online banking, which is more of a hassle than using a card.

14th Mar 2025 80 votes
Trump claims US banks can't open in Canada—US banks disagree

In what seems to be an effort to extort Canada for additional benefits, Donald Trump complained yesterday on social media that CANADA DOESN'T EVEN ALLOW U.S. BANKS TO OPEN OR DO BUSINESS THERE. And so according to Trump, Canada doubly deserves to be disciplined with tariffs. Well, if it's true that U.S banks aren't allowed to do business in Canada, then why in god's name is one of the U.S.'s largest banks doing business in downtown Toronto? Citigroup Place, 123 Front St. West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada Citi has been operating in Canada since 1919 and currently has 1,700 Canadian employees. According to OSFI, Canada's bank regulator, the bank earned C$35 million in Canada in the first three quarters of 2024 and has C$5.49 billion in Canadian assets as of September 30, 2024.  In short, Trump was either lying, misinformed, crazy, or some combination of those three. Canada allows foreign banks to enter our banking industry by requiring them to set up a domestic subsidiary and applying for a Schedule II banking charter. Schedule II banks can operate in all of the same lines of business as mainstay Canadian banks (i.e. Schedule I banks) like Royal Bank or Bank of Montreal. There are 16 Schedule II banks in Canada, three of which are American. (In addition to Citi, the other two are Amex Bank and JP Morgan.) Some folks on social media tried to reinterpret Trump's complaint: "But JP, what Trump really meant to say is that Canada doesn't allow U.S. banks to serve retail customers." As proof they cited the fact that if you walk into a Citi office in Canada, Citi won't allow you to open a personal chequing account. The reason that Citi won't give you a personal chequing account isn't because the rules prevent them from doing so. Rather, Citi (along with Amex and JP Morgan) have chosen not to enter the Canadian retail banking market, preferring to focus instead on other types of Canadian banking, like commercial and investment banking. If Citi, for instance, wanted to set up a retail branch network, it could. In fact, Citi once had a small five-branch retail banking network in Vancouver and Toronto, offering personal chequing and savings account, term deposits, loans, mortgages, mutual funds and RRSPs. But it sold out in 1999 to Canada Trust, which was ultimately bought by TD Bank. Other foreign banks have also set up Schedule II banks with a retail presence, only to sell out to domestic banks. HSBC Canada, owned by its British parent, became Canada's seventh largest bank—one that was notably successful in offering mortgages to retail customers—but was recently offloaded by its parent to Royal Bank, a Schedule I bank. ING Canada, owned by Dutch-based ING Bank, created one of Canada's most popular discount retail banks, ING Direct, but sold it to Scotia Bank in 2012, which rechristened the discount bank Tangerine Bank. The lone Schedule II foreign bank I'm aware of that still serves retail customers is ICICI Bank, which is owned by its Indian parent. Why are U.S. and foreign banks reticent to compete in Canada's retail banking market? Contrary to perceptions that Canadian banking is slow and lazy, it's actually quite difficult to make much headway in Canada. The Big-5 banks, plus National Bank, which counts as half a big bank, have built strong retail branch networks that span the entire country. They compete rigorously for consumer deposits, offering higher interest rates than U.S. banks offer to Americans, suggesting a more cut-throat market than south of the border. In short, U.S. banks don't have the cojones to cross the border and compete head-to-head against Canada's more competitive behemoths. Citi already tried. It gave up. By contrast, the U.S. is an easier market for a foreign bank to enter because its banking industry is more fragmented. And many Canadian banks have entered, with TD Bank and Bank of Montreal occupying 10th and 13th spot respectively on the list of largest U.S. banks. This fragmentation is the residue of the U.S.'s refusal (until recently) to allow banks to set up branches across state lines. By contrast, Canada has always had fairly permissive rules about establishing cross-country banking networks. The irony here is that Trump's complaints about lack of openness best apply to the U.S., historically the culprit when it comes to tamping down the spread of banking. Canadian banks' U.S. and international exposure has increased over time. A recent Bank of Canada study finds that our banks now have more foreign liabilities (i.e. deposits) than domestic liabilities. (See chart below). More precisely, 57% of all Canadian banks' liabilities are now foreign. As for our banks' asset mix, foreign assets are poised to surpass domestic assets in the next year or two, if trends continue. Rising Canadian bank exposure to the rest of the world. Source: Bank of Canada The reason for this outward migration is clear. Canada's saturated retail banking market offers few opportunities for growth, but other parts of the world are less saturated, and so these jurisdictions offer Canadian banks ideal avenues for acquisitions and growth. This gives us an additional vantage point for viewing Trump's absurd comments about Canadian banking. He may not be saying that Canada's banking system is closed, but that the U.S. banking system is now effectively shut off to additional acquisitions by Canadian banks, as part of some sort of America First banking policy. This implicit threat of a foreign banking blockade may explain, in part, why the price of Canadian bank stocks fell so much more than the broader Canadian market yesterday. Their avenues for growth may have just narrowed.

4th Feb 2025 42 votes
Stablecoins are non-fungible, bank deposits are fungible

On Twitter/X, I recently suggested that the network effects of the stablecoin market are massive. Tether, which has four times more wallets than all other stablecoins, is locked-in as the stablecoin lingua franca, just like English has been locked-in as the global language of business.  In case you've missed the trend, stablecoins are fiat money (primarily U.S. dollars) that are issued on a new type of database called a blockchain. The total value of stablecoins in circulation has grown from $0 to over $200 billion in a decade, with Tether dominating at $138 billion. When I said at the outset that the stablecoin market is governed by network effects, what I meant is that a positive feedback loop exists whereby the value that a network (i.e. languages or stablecoins) provides to users increases as more users join the network. Once a given stablecoin has entered into this virtuous loop, other issuers cannot join in, and will have troubles competing. It's a winner take all market that Tether and its stablecoin USDt (and perhaps smaller competitor USDC, issued by Circle) have already won. Larry White, a monetary economist who I've mentioned a few times on my blog, asked me why I think network effects are present in the stablecoin market. We don’t see network effects with other U.S. dollar payment media like checkable deposits, Larry points out (and I agree), so it's not clear why we should see this with stablecoins. Here's my logic. Stablecoins aren't fungible, bank deposits are The key is that while U.S. dollar stablecoins—Tether's USDt, Circle's USDC, PayPal USD, etc—are pegged to the dollar, and thus seem to be alike, they are not actually completely alike. That is, they are not fungible with each other.  Fungibility is one of my favorite words, and I write about it quite often on this blog. It means that members of a population are interchangeable, or perfectly replaceable with each other. All grams of pure raw gold are interchangeable. Not all grams of pizza are alike—pizza is non-fungible. U.S. dollar bank deposits (say Well Fargo dollars and Chase dollars) are fungible with each other. Rather than being independent, they are fused together as homogeneous and singular U.S. dollars. A Chase dollar is just as good as a Wells Fargo dollar for the purposes of making payments. That's not the case with stablecoins, which are like pizza. Or better yet, in the same way that Chinese yuan and UAE dirham are pegged to the dollar but remain independent currencies, each U.S. dollar stablecoin is pegged to the dollar but functions as its own distinct non-fungible currency. For the purposes of making payments, one stablecoin is not as good as another one, just like how dirham balances aren't perfect replacements for yuan. The reason behind this difference is that U.S. banks cooperate with each other by accepting competitor's money at par on behalf of their customers. For instance, I can take a Wells Fargo check to my Chase branch and Chase will accept it 1:1 even though it represents a competing bank's dollar. Or I can send an ACH payment directly from Wells Fargo to Chase, and Chase will accept that Wells Fargo dollar at par and convert it into a Chase dollar for me.  The effect of this reciprocal acceptance is that all U.S. banking dollars are tightly knit together, or interchangeable. A fungible standard has been created. I can't perform these same actions with stablecoins. I can't send 100 USDC to Tether to be converted into 100 USDt, nor send 100 USDt to Circle, which issues USDC, to be converted into 100 USDC. Stablecoins issuers are loners. They've chosen to avoid banding together to weave a unified U.S dollar stablecoin standard. This lack of standardization explains some weird things in the stablecoin market, like why there are so many markets to trade USDt for USDC (see below). Notice that the clearing price in these stablecoin-to-stablecoin markets is never an even $1, but always some inconvenient price like 0.991 or 1.018. Some of the multiple markets for trading USDt for USDC, all at varying prices Source: Coingecko   There is no equivalent trading market for Chase-to-Wells Fargo balances or TD-to-Bank of America dollars. These banks' dollars are perfectly compatible and don't require such markets. The advantages of a single dollar standard Harmonization is useful. Anyone can walk into a McDonald's and purchase a Big Mac for $5.69 with whatever brand of bank dollar they want. Money held at small banks is just as useful as money at massive ones: the Bank of Little Rock may only have five branches, but its dollars are accepted at McDonald's all across the world, on par with those of Chase, America's largest bank. McDonald doesn't accept stablecoins, but if it did, it would have to offer multiple prices for a Big Mac: i.e. 5.73 USDt and 5.68 USDC. Each stablecoin serving as its own particular unit of account is inconvenient, both for McDonald's and its customers. PayPal USD probably wouldn't even be accepted at McDonald's: it's too small. The lack of standardized stablecoin market becomes even more awkward in asset markets. If you want to buy $1 million bitcoins on, say, Binance, there's a whole array of different U.S. dollar stablecoin markets available, including bitcoin-to-USDt, bitcoin-to-USDC, and bitcoin-to-FDUSD. (FDUSD refers to First Digital USD, a medium sized stablecoin.) The table above shows the prices of bitcoin and ether on Binance, the world's largest crypto exchanges. Notice that liquidity in both Binance's bitcoin and ether trading market is compartmentalized into different stablecoins rather than being fused into a single homogeneous US dollar-to-bitcoin market. Source: Coingecko You can forget about easily buying bitcoins with PayPal USD stablecoins. No crypto exchange offers that trading pair; PayPal USD is too small to be worth the hassle. This has the effect of fragmenting the liquidity of the stablecoin market into different buckets. Instead of stablecoins-in-general having a certain level of marketability, each individual stablecoin has its own distinct liquidity profile in asset markets. In contrast, the liquidity that a Wells Fargo dollar, a Bank of Little Rock, or a Chase dollar provides to their owner in the context of asset markets has been unified into a collective whole. If you want to buy shares of Blackrock's iShares Bitcoin ETF, there isn't a separate market for Wells Fargo-to-bitcoin or Chase-to-bitcoin. As for Bank of Little Rock dollars, they are just as fit for bitcoin purchases as its much largest competitors. A winner-takes-all market Now we can understand why network effects dominate the stablecoin market. If you want to start using stablecoins to trade crypto or buy stuff, you will always be arm-twisted by market logic into choosing the largest most liquid stablecoin. And your decision to go with the largest one makes that stablecoin a little more liquid, thus solidifying its pole position. Selecting a smaller stablecoin like PayPal USD makes little sense. McDonald's will never accept it, and there are many crypto assets that you won't be able to buy with it. Even when certain PayPal USD trading pairs are available, the bid-ask spreads will be wide, imposing much larger costs on you than if you simply went with a larger stablecoin. Thus network effects, working in reverse, repel uptake of PayPal USD. The unsafe stablecoin is the largest Tether remains the largest stablecoin, despite being one of the most unsafe stablecoins. (USDC does not get top marks for safety, either.) Network effects explain this. Stablecoin rating agency Bluechip awards Tether a D rating, noting that it is "less transparent and has inferior reserves... USDT is not a safe stablecoin". Under normal conditions (i.e. those not characterized by network effects) the safest stablecoins would have long-since displaced Tether from its leading spot. But in stablecoin markets, the safest stablecoins—Gemini USD, PayPal USD, and USDP, all rated A or A- by Bluechip—remain insignificant players. The virtuous circle in which Tether is locked dominates all other factors. These are the best-ranked fiat stablecoins according to Bluechip. But they are also tiny, with market capitalization below $1 billion. There appears to be no point trying to be a safe stablecoin, since the network effects arising from liquidity completely dominate any safety concerns that users might have. Eyeing Tether's profits, new competitors are entering the stablecoin market. But this is a game they probably shouldn't bother playing. PayPal arrived last year with PayPal USD, but to date it remains mostly irrelevant, despite huge growth in the overall stablecoin market over the same period. Ripple and Revolut are also slated to bring out their own products. They're also destined to mediocrity, because they're too late to make the jump into the virtuous loop that Tether and (to a lesser extent) Circle occupy.  (There is one caveat. Should one of the two leaders eventually be shutdown for money laundering offenses or sanctions evasion, one of these also-rans could be vaulted into their spot.) Might the stablecoin sector eventually migrate over to the unified fungible standard that characterizes banking deposits?  No, that's probably not going to happen. For a fusion to occur, Tether and runner-up Circle, which issues USDC, would have to start accepting their competitors' stablecoins at par. But they won't go down this path, since that would kill off the network effect that gives them their unrivaled dominance over the rest of the pack. No, it's in the interests of the leaders for chaotic non-fungibility to continue.  Alas, this lack of standardization may limit the stablecoin sector's broader potential to serve as a cohesive global payment alternative to the better-organized banking standard. Sometimes a bit of cooperation trumps competition.

14th Jan 2025 32 votes
Tornado Cash un-OFAC'ed

The next chapter in the Tornado Cash saga just dropped. Last week a court ruled last that Tornado Cash, a bot that can be used for obfuscating crypto, is safe from being sanctioned. I first wrote about Tornado Cash in 2021, before its legal troubles began, warning of the risks ahead. I've been tracking Tornado's legal saga since then. (See here | here | here ). The saga serves as a bellwether for how financial services hosted on blockchains are to be sliced and diced under existing laws, in particular the crucial anti-money laundering statutes and sanctions laws. More generally it foreshadows how autonomous techno-beings, many of which don't yet exist, are to be treated by the law. In the newest chapter of the saga, a court ruled that America's sanctions authority, the U.S. Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), does not have the authority to sanction a certain type of smart contract, or string of autonomous code, that undergirds Tornado Cash: its so-called immutable contracts. Recall that in August 2022, OFAC sanctioned Tornado Cash, which accepts traceable crypto from users and returns it in untraceable format. Tornado had been used by the sanctioned North Korean hacker group Lazarus to obfuscate its financial tracks. OFAC listed Tornado Cash's website tornado.cash along with 53 Ethereum addresses. The sanctions were relatively effective. Americans could no longer use the bot without risking fines or imprisonment. Those who had funds deposited in Tornado had to ask OFAC for special permission to withdraw them. In the months after the sanctions were announced, usage of the privacy bot plunged and the amount of crypto deposited fell by over half.   After two different sets of plaintiffs challenged OFAC's actions in court, the appeals court in one of the cases returned a verdict last week. An immutable smart contract is "unownable, uncontrollable, and unchangeable—even by its creators," and therefore it doesn't qualify as property. Because OFAC's sanctioning power is limited to that which is property, it follows that OFAC cannot sanction immutable smart contracts. This not-property ruling only applies to twenty immutable Tornado Cash contracts that were on OFAC's sanctions list. Tornado's mutable contracts, those that can be controlled and changed, remain property—and thus can stay on the list of sanctioned contracts. Unless OFAC wins on appeal, it will presumably have to unsanction those twenty immutable contracts. Now, it's possible that as long as the remaining sanctioned mutable contracts are crucial to the functioning of the Tornado Cash bot, the revised sanctions blacklist will still have an effect. And if OFAC adds other key mutable Tornado Cash smart contracts to its list (say like the contracts allowing governance, which for some reason were not originally sanctioned), American users will continue to steer clear of Tornado Cash, the bot's anonymizing capacities remaining lower than otherwise, thus diminishing its ability to serve North Korean interests.  But if not, what can OFAC do?  Sanction users, not code I've already done a bit of digging on this question. In response to the sanctions, I wrote an article in late 2022 entitled: How to stop illegal activity on Tornado Cash (without using sanctions) The gist was to explore alternative tools for countering illicit activity on Tornado rather than the blunt tool of sanctioning its actual smart contracts. What I suggested was to apply pressure to the users of the smart contracts. "Rather than punishing code, penalize the people who use the code." The logic goes like this. Any user who deposits crypto to Tornado Cash, even someone with clean crypto, is providing North Korea with prohibited financial services, the Tornado bot being the means by which the two sides are connecting as counterparties. Whether intentional or not, a user's deposits broaden the anonymity set of Tornado Cash, or its ability to obfuscate larger amounts of illicit funds sourced from sanctioned counterparties like Lazarus. Think of it as sanctioned North Korean users passing on sanctions taint to all other Tornado Cash users by virtue of everyone interacting via the same bot, Tornado Cash. This taint spreads to those who deposited their crypto (clean or dirty) to Tornado at the same time as Lazarus and/or those who have continued to deposit to it in light of the known fact that the North Korean group regularly deposits stolen funds to the platform. OFAC issues a public alert stating that any foreigner can and will be sanctioned if their funds interact with North Korean funds on Tornado Cash. In response, some foreign users will risk being designated and continue to engage with Tornado. Many will not. As for U.S. users, OFAC can threaten them with potential civil monetary penalties if they aid North Korea using Tornado as their a tool. A $10,000 fine for interacting with sanctioned North Korean actors via the Tornado Cash bot will probably discourage most usage. Another core set of Tornado Cash users who OFAC has legal leverage over are the relayers—real life individuals who provide an extra layer of privacy to Tornado Cash users. (I explain here why relayers are necessary for full privacy). OFAC can threaten foreign relayers with sanctions and U.S.-based relayers with civil monetary penalties. Pressuring these various groups of users won't stop Tornado Cash code from functioning, but it will certainly constrain the activity it facilitates, and thus make it harder for North Korea to anonymize its funds. And it is consistent with the court's not-property ruling because users, not contracts, are being targeted. I'm not saying that OFAC will follow this playbook, or that it should, but it certainly is an option. There is another route, though, and that is to go to Congress and ask for the ability to put sanctions on immutable entities.  More broadly, Tornado Cash may just be the first in an emerging population of unownable and uncontrollable techno-beings—bots, machines, drones, androids, AI agents,  automatons, and golems—that operate independently of human control, many of which will end up doing very dangerous things. Society may want the legal ability to protect its members from these immutable contraptions, including by sanctioning them. For instance, imagine the following scenario... A Russian AI-guided assassin bot If a Russian assassin is regularly poisoning people (including U.S. citizens) for criticizing Putin, OFAC can sanction that assassin, thus preventing any American entity from dealing with him and blocking all of his accounts, his car, and his interests in various companies. That might not stop the assassin, but it'll make his job more difficult. In doing so, OFAC is simply fulfilling its mandate to use its sanctioning powers to protect Americans. Say the assassin creates an artificial intelligence and imbues it with all of his assassin's lore, providing it with an artificial body and then throwing away the keys, rendering the robot immutable. The court's recent not-property ruling suggests that while OFAC can ably defend Americans from the flesh and blood assassin, it cannot protect them from the assassin's immutable killing robot—even though the robot performs the precise same killing function as the living assassin using the exact same techniques. This is obviously an incongruity, one that seems like it should be fixed. Or is there a specific reason why we should provide legal safe harbor to all unownable and uncontrollable techno-beings? Feel free to explain in the comments. In any case, OFAC's efforts to apply its national security mandate to Tornado Cash are probably not over. Let's see how it responds. Some sort of resolution is important because we are still in the early stages of being inundated with self-guided autonomous agents.

5th Dec 2024 27 votes

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The Scaling and Profitability Trade off: Venture Capital's Weakest Link!

It is undeniable technology companies have found their most hospitable setting in the United States and while there are many reasons for the US dominance of technology, easier access to capital for young businesses has been a key ingredient. Venture capital in the US, in its institutional and organized form, can trace its roots back to the 1950s, and over the last few decades, it has generated its share of legendary investors. Vinod Khosla is one of those legends, and it is for that reason that I was surprised to see him tweet the following: I understand that utterances on social media, often in response to comments by others or made in anger, are often quickly regretted, and I believe (though I am not certain) that Mr. Khosla did not quite mean what he said here, confusing profitability with cash flows, and arguing that every business should put scaling ahead of profitability. That said, his view that scaling should be given priority over profitability is more the norm, than the exception, among many venture capitalists, and while it probably always has been the case, I believe the tilt towards scaling has become pronounced in the last two decades. In this post, I want to zero in on the scaling and profitability trade off, how the emphasis on the former over the latter plays out at start-ups and very young companies, and why we live with the consequences, whether they want to or not. Scaling versus Business Building     To put the choices you will face on scaling up versus business building into perspective, let's assume that you are a founder, and that your start-up has a tested product and that you believe there is a market for that product. You can stay with what you have built and build a business to take advantage of the immediate market, focusing on financial health and profitability. The fact that you will stay small, and perhaps unrecognized in markets other than your own, is a minus, but there are pluses. You will have little need for external capital, and you will own much or all of the business, facing little pressure from outside to change the way you do things. Alternatively, you can take a more ambitious route, where you seek out a bigger market, augmenting existing or adding new products, and while that path will deliver larger revenues, you may have to work harder to get it to deliver profits and cash flows, and perhaps have to give up more of your ownership and control of that business. The Scaling Choice     Before starting on the determinants of scaling, it make ssense to begin with the metric being scaled. For most businesses, it is revenues that is the chosen metric, with scale capturing how big revenues can become over time. With some earlier-stage businesses, many of which are pre-revenue, the metric can become a variable that these businesses hope to convert to revenues; with tech intermediaries and social media companies, it can be users or subscribers.      Focusing on scale, though, there are factors that come into play that allow scaling to have a higher likelihood of success in some businesses than others: Market size: It is easier to scale up a company, if it is small player in a big market, than if if the market is small, and scaling up will quickly give you a dominant market share. That said, the way you describe your business, and then run it, can play a role in how big a market you will have for your products. In my posts on valuing Uber, for instance, I noted that describing it as a logistics company (car service, moving, delivery) rather than just a car service company could triple its potential market.  Market growth: It is also easier to scale up a company if the overall market that it is targeting is also growing, since growth does not require going after competitors' customers. A smartphone company (Apple or Samsung, for instance) in 2010 had a growing market to work with, as customers switched from flip phones and smartphones made inroads into large emerging markets.  In 2026, that advantage had largely dissipated, as the smartphone market has matured. Industry Structure: There is a natural structure to industries, driven by economics and business type, with some industries splintered across many players, and some concentrated in a few big players or even in a winner-take-all. You can scale up more in the latter, but you will have to confront the odds favoring you being one of the winners in the industry. Capital intensity: It is easier to scale up a business that does not require large capital investments to be able to generate more in revenues. Using Uber as an example again, scaling up was made easier in the early years, since it did not own the cars or hire the drivers that comprised its car service, and growth came quickly and with little added investment. Customer inertia: Businesses can grow faster and get bigger if there is less inertia among customers and more willingness to try out new products or services. At the risk of generalizing, this may explain why scaling up can happen more quickly in younger industries (like technology) than in older ones (health care, education). Key person(s): There are some businesses that are built around the specific skill sets of a person (usually a founder or business owner) and these skill sets are not easily transferred or taught to others. A master craftsperson, say a furniture-maker, will have a more difficult time scaling up that business, because without being able to pass his skills on to his or her apprentices (which can take time and require intense oversight), he or she is constrained in how much new business he can take on. If that craftsperson has a recognizable name, it is possible that you could build a scalable franchise model, as has been tried by some master chefs (Wolfgang Puck, Gordon Ramsey etc.) The graph below captures the scaling choices that companies make as a function of these factors: As you can see, some businesses can scale up quickly, some take more time to scale up and some never scale up, and the businesses that scale up quickly often scale down just as fast. Thus, the decision of whether to scale and how quickly to do so is as much driven by the nature of the business (capital intensity, industry structure, competition) and the characteristics of the market that it is targeting (size and growth, customer inertia).  Business Building     While having access to a big, growing market can allow you to scale up more quickly, your capacity to generate profits and build a business will ultimately come from other forces: Unit economics: Unit economics measures the profitability of the marginal unit sold by a business, and is thus determined by the price charged for that unit and what it costs the business to produce that unit. Businesses like software, where the marginal unit costs very little to produce and can still be priced highly, have superior unit economics and will find it easier to convert growing revenues into profits, since much of the increase in revenue will flow into profits.  Conversely, businesses like electric cars, where each additional car sold costs money to make, will struggle to convert scaled up revenues to profits. Economies of scale: Businesses with large fixed costs, whether they be associated with maintaining platforms and infrastructure, or sales and marketing, face obstacles to profitability. While growing can provide scaling benefits, that works only if the fixed costs don't grow with revenues and if they are not so onerous, that you still have losses after scaling up.  Competition: & Competitive Edges (moats): Large and growing markets provide businesses with opportunities to grow, but for that growth to translate into sustainable profits, these businesses will need pricing power and that power comes from barriers to entry that keeps new entrants out and gives existing players advantages.  It is true that the operating choices that businesses make play out on both the scaling and profit dimensions, sometimes pitting them against each other. A decision to lower product prices may increase revenues at the expense of unit economic profits, and a decision to spend more on advertising and promotion may expand markets, but the higher marketing costs will impose a drag on profitability.     One way to illustrate the combination of forces that go into business building is to to go back to basics, and to look at what lies under each one: As you can see, scaling up is not a mantra that automatically translates in profitability, and the pathway to profits will be determined by variables that are often out of the control of a business.  Scale & Profitability Mixes     With the multitude of factors determining both scaling potential and business model viability, it should come as no surprise that the outcomes that we observe can range the spectrum, starting with extraordinary companies that scale up quickly, while delivering huge profits, to companies that never scale up, either by choice or because they could not, and some of which never make money. Lightning in a Bottle: Are scaling and profitability mutually exclusive? Put differently, can a company scale up, while delivering profits and perhaps positive cash flows as it grows? The answer is yes, but it does require a fairly unusual combination of circumstances - a big and growing market, being an early entrant into the market with few competitors, low capital intensity and excellent unit economics.  There are a few companies that meet these conditions, and we will call them "Lightning in a Bottle" firms, partly because they are rare, and partly because success can come from being at the right place at the right time. Google and Facebook, in their early years, were good examples, with revenues growing exponentially and profitability in place. Field of Dreams  (Shoeless Joe Jackson version): As a baseball fan, I have always had a soft spot for the movie, Field of Dreams, where a farmer (Kevin Costner) builds a baseball field in the cornfields, and when asked why, responds with "if you build it, they will come". There are companies that seem to be built around this motto, where scaling up comes first, often accompanied by large losses, but with the promise that "if they build (revenues), they (the profits) will come. During Amazon's first decade and a half of existence, I described their business model as a Field of Dreams model, and gave credit for Jeff Bezos for being steadfast in not only telling this story, but also acting consistently with it, and carrying investors along. (If you are wondering what Shoeless Joe is doing in this story, I am afraid you have to watch the movie all the way to the end.) Field of Nightmares: Amazon was not the first successful Field of Dreams company, but as one of its highest profile winners, it gave rise to a legion of young companies, all labeling themselves the "next Amazon". Needless to say, Amazon's success came from being a disruptor of a huge business (retail), which had atrophied and weakened over time, and many of the Amazon wannabes that tried to imitate it managed to do so on the growth dimension, with immense amounts of capital invested in scaling up, but never turned the corner on profitability, partly because they had neither the unit economics nor the economies of scale to pull it off. Niche Star: Scaling is not always the optimal choice, and there are some companies that recognize this reality early, choosing to stay small and focusing on a portion of the market where they have decided advantages. To that extent that they can convert those advantages into premium pricing and niche market dominance, they can have values that are disproportionately large relative to their operating metrics, i.e., trade at high multiples of revenues and earnings. Ferrari, for instance, sells only a few thousand cars every year, but with an operating profit margin in excess of 20%, it trades at a market capitalization comparable to that of auto companies that sell hundreds of thousands of cars each year. Big and Broken: It is no secret that there are some businesses that start with business models with a fatal flaw, i.e,, a broken business model, and rather than being shut down, they are fed increasing amounts of capital and allowed to scale up. A real-estate based business that leases properties long term, and then sub-leases them short term, has a duration mismatch born in hell, and expanding it geographically and allowing it to lease hundreds of properties, as WeWork did, just makes it a really big, bad business. If you are puzzled as to why investors would supply capital to these businesses, you may want to read on. Small winner & Small losers: If you look at all businesses, private and public, most remain small, some due to business and industry structure and some because of owner constraints on capital and control. These small businesses, though, over time, bifurcate into good small businesses, earning more than their cost of capital and delivering value, and bad ones, earning less than the cost of capital, but still worth more as going concerns, than liquidated. Cut your losses: Finally, there are businesses that start up with dreams aplenty, and over time discover that they can neither scale up, nor make money. In the absence of capital infusions, these businesses fail early, but if capital providers keep funneling resources into these companies, they still fail, but do so later and with a much higher price tag. In the matrix below, with scaling on one axis and profitability on the other, I plot all eight of my scale/profit combinations: Any investor or founder who blindly follows the pathway of scaling first and profiting later for every business is using a cookbook approach to business building, and runs the risk of making small failures into big ones.  The Tradeoff between Scaling and Profitability: Determinants     As you review the factors that govern the trade off between scaling and profitability, it is clear that the right choice (on how much to scale) will depend on the firm, and that not every small firm is destined to become or be more valuable as a larger firm, and that not all large firms have the same profitability characteristics, once scaled up. That said, is it possible for firms to adopt scaling pathways that look, at least from a business standpoint, to be suboptimal? Of course! There are small firms that have viable pathways to scaling up that choose to stay small, and at the same time, there are small firms that are designed to be small, niche businesses embark on scaling that is value destructive, and the reasons are a mix of human frailties on the part of founders, system constraints (from governments and regulators), access to capital (too little or too much) and exit options (sell, liquidate or go public). 1. Founder Characteristics     The founder or founders of a business not only play a key role in guiding the business through its early days, when most start-ups fail, but they also make key choices that can determine in its end game. In making these choices, they may be guided by the fundamentals we outlined in the last section, that affect scalability, but they are also a function of their personal make-up, on at least a couple of dimensions: Control versus Ambition: There is a natural tension between wanting to control the levers of decision-making in a business and scaling that business, since the latter almost always requires raising capital from providers who will either constrain your choices (if borrowed money is used) or demand a share of ownership rights (if equity). With the latter, founders will find their control diluted over time, and with enough scaling up, it is possible that founders end up with less than controlling stakes. For some founders, that fear of dilution and losing power over their business creations runs deep enough to stop them from embarking on growth plans, even though these plans make economic and financial sense.The flip side of control is ambition, and for some founders, the desire to build big businesses that are not restricted geographically or in product offerings can drive the decision to scale up, even though the fundamentals may not support that expansion. This works only if they can convince investors that their ambitions In fact, this tension between a founder’s need to be in control and that same founder’s desire to build big plays out in what Noam Wasserman called the Founder’s Dilemma, where to make a business bigger, its founder has to step down or at least compromise on control. Longevity versus Scale: There is an argument to be made that if your intent as a founder is to build a business that is long-lived, your odds of success improve if you keep your business smaller and more focused on what it does well. While there are many exceptions to this generalized rule, it is worth noting that some of the longest lived firms in the world are family owned small businesses, that serve a niche market, and are passed down generation to generation in the same family. It is also true that firms that see a sudden surge in revenues, usually as the result of an external factors or happenstance, often live to regret their good fortune, as they scale up overnight. In the aftermath of the Covid shutdown, for instance, firms like Moderna and Peloton boomed, but they also overreached, and did long-term damage to their business models. In summary, the choice between scaling and profitability will play out differently across businesses, depending upon what founders value most, thought it is healthy for an economy to a have a mix of founders, since it creates a mix of businesses. II. Access to capital     It is true that businesses need access to capital, to varying degrees, to scale up, and the easier it is to raise that capital, the easier it is to make a business bigger. Capital can come from different sources, ranging from family wealth to venture capital to public equity, with each one carrying its pluses and minuses. Family (or friend) wealth:  Every business, through human history, having lived through its early days (when failure risk is high and its products and services are still untested) has faced a choice of whether to stay small, serving a market that it knows and understands, or whether to get bigger, going after a bigger market. For much of that history, though, with businesses funded with family funds and access to capital was limited, most businesses chose the first path and remained small businesses, focusing on building business models that delivered profits, with wide differences in success rates. For a few, owned by wealthier families, access to a much larger pool of capital (from family savings and bankers willing to lend to these families) created family groups that dominated economies, and continue to do so in some parts of the world.  Venture capital:  The growth of public equity markets in the late 1800s and much of the last century did little to change the family control dynamic, since investors in those markets were primarily interested in funding larger companies with established business models. Recognizing this gap between capital need and capital access at younger businesses, and the opportunities that the gap presented, allowed for the rise of venture capital in the 1950s, primarily in the United States. These venture capitalists provided seed capital for start-ups, using winners to cover their failures, and got the bulk of their winnings when they exited these investments, either by going public or selling to another entity. Over the last few decades, venture capital has grown, and in the last 12 years, that growth has not let up:  Source: NCVA 2026 Yearbook In this century, venture capital has also become more global, growing in Asia and Europe, but it is still true that it is easier for a small business to raise capital to scale up in the United States than it is in much of the rest of the world. Public equity: There are some growth businesses that bypass venture capital and go after public equity, a much bigger pool of capital and one that may give founders better terms. In some cases, this access to capital might be enabled by going public, even with unformed business models and little to show in terms of existing operations (revenues or earnings), but in most others, it takes the form of capital invested by larger, more mature public companies in return for a share of ownership. These investments may be labeled as strategic, but the motives for making these investments vary across companies. Some invest to get access to a promising technology or product. some to pre-empt competitors and some for the same reason that venture capitalists do. The bottom line is that businesses that seek out capital, whether from family, venture capital or public equity, have to accept that the capital providers will demand and usually get a say in business decisions, and the more capital you seek, the more sway they will have. III. Investor Preferences     Businesses get their cues on whether to scale up or build business models from the investors who fund them, and much as founders want to map their own path, investor preferences matter, as do their end games. Put simply, a family that invests in a business with no plans for exit will choose a very different path for that business than a VC that invests in the same business with the intent of exiting that investment by selling it to another investor or company, or taking it public.         Venture capitalists are often viewed as the sherpas who guided young businesses to success, both operationally and in markets, the mythology about venture capitalists and what they do has also built up. Since that mythology extends to almost every aspect of venture capitalist activity, perhaps the best way to dispel myths and bring in reality checks is to look at what venture capitalists are "assumed" to do in each phase, and contrast it with what they actually do:     If you are reading this as a critique of venture capitalists, you are misreading it. My intent is not to paint a picture of venture capitalists as lazy and greedy, but to bring home the reality that given how venture capitalists invest, act and are judged, it is unrealistic to expect them to do the heavy lifting of building businesses for the long term and to even make business sense, when they talk about companies.     There are two parts of the venture capital rulebook that you should focus on, to understand why many VCs prioritize scale over profitability. The first is that they price companies, rather than value them, and in a post from a few years ago, I made the argument in more depth. VC pricing based on what other venture capitalists are paying for similar businesses, often scaled to simplistic metrics, users and subscribers for pre-revenue companies and forward revenues or earnings in what passes for VC valuation: The second is that VC success is measured based on price at entry and price at exit on an investment, rather than the quality of the business built, and using that metric, the median venture capitalist has not been much better at harvesting alpha than the median mutual fund manager or PE investor: Cambridge Associates There are, of course, standouts in each of these categories, fund managers who have delivered well above the market, but in mutual funds and to an increasing extent, hedge funds, that success is fleeting. There are two aspects on delivering returns where venture capital stands out, relative to other active investing classes.  The first is that failure, always a concern in investing, is much more a part and parcel of investing in venture capital than in other investing grouping. Put simply, not only are there more VC funds that go out of existence every year, but even the most successful VC funds lose on many or even most of the investments that they make, especially in angel financing deals.  The second is that venture capital investing, when it works, can generate outsized returns on winners that (hopefully) cover the cost of failures.  You can see both of these at play in the graph below, which looks at returns that VCs book when they exit investments: CF Private Equity, from Pitchbook data As you can see, across all the time periods, it is the top 10% of VC investments that deliver the bulk of returns to VC investors, and over time, that concentration has increased: in the 2023-2026 period, 80% of all returns to VC investors came from their top 1% of investments. The combination of these two forces (losses on most investments and outsized winners), i.e., the power law in venture capital, has two consequences. The first is that only about a quarter of venture capitalists in each year deliver above-average returns, making the average VC returns in the table above more palatable. The second is that success in venture capital, unlike in other areas of active investing (including mutual funds, hedge funds and even private equity), has been more enduring. The power law characteristic also feeds into VC incentives, leading venture capitalists to direct their capital more into chasing the biggest winners than in building businesses. In fact, the more top-heavy VC returns become, i.e., dependent on big payoffs, the more pressure venture capitalists feel (and pass on to their portfolio companies) to find the next big winner, pushing the ecosystem dangerously close to gambling. A Changing Game     With the discussion of the scale versus profitability at the business level leading in, and the assessment of the incentives of capital providers following, I think that we are well positioned to examine how changes in public and private markets have increased business incentives to scale, as opposed to building business models. There are two developments, in particular, that have taken the tilt towards scaling in venture capital and made it even more pronounced - the entry of public equity into the funding of private businesses and the fading of reversal, as an antidote to momentum, in public markets. The Gray Market Effect     For much of the last half of the last century, after venture capital established a presence in the United States, it remained the only or primary source of capital for young firms. That has changed especially int the last decade, as public equity investors have increased their investments in young, private businesses, supplementing venture capital in some and even displacing it in others. An early measure of this trend is captured in the charts below: Kwon, Lowry and Yiming (2020) While this graph looks at only the number of mutual funds investing in private businesses, and stops in 2016, there was a corresponding surge in capital invested by mutual funds in young, growth companies, with T.Rowe Price and Fidelity investing billions in high profile tech companies like Uber.  They were joined by sovereign funds, who invested heavily in these companies either directly or indirectly, through stakes in entities like Softbank's Vision fund.     We can debate the reasons for why we saw this surge, with fear over missing out (FOMO) and wanting to partake in tech playing roles, but whatever the reasons, capital access surged for young companies, especially in tech, during the period. In effect, rather than two mostly separated markets - one for young, smaller, private business dominated by VCS and one for larger companies more advanced in the life cycle, where public equity suppled the funds, a gray market was created where VC and public equity fund access allowed private businesses to stay private for longer. Public Markets: Momentum, Fundamentals and Reversals     Public equity markets have always been momentum-driven, allowing traders who ride that momentum to prosperity, before bringing them down when the momentum shifts. At the same time, fundamentals act as an anchor, operating as a counter to momentum, leading to reversals and allowing investors to hold their own over time. While the congruence is not always perfect, scaling feeds into momentum and profitability is the most critical fundamental, and in markets with balance, when one gets out of sync, the other restores harmony.  Over the history of stock markets, value investors have often claimed dominance, and pointed to the returns you could have earned by buying companies that look cheap on a value basis (low price earnings or low price to book) and waiting for price reversals. Traders push back by noting that over the same history, momentum has had a decisive effect on returns, especially over shorter time intervals.  While the momentum effect shows up across the decades, there is evidence that the reversal effect has weakened over time, leaving investors who bet on mean reversion and a return to fundamentals in the lurch: The reasons given for this shift vary, and are often reflective of the biases of the investors giving the reasons.  The Fed did it: For those who view central banks as all-powerful, and believe that the low interest rates of the last decade were their doing, those low rates have also become the proximate reason for market pricing behavior and reckless risk taking. Their argument is that interest rates that are close to zero induce investors to shift from bonds to stocks, and within stocks, to move from low growth, high earnings stocks to high-growth companies with little or negative earnings. The rise of passive investing: In the battle between active investing and passive investing, with ETFs supplementing index funds, the latter has had a decisive edge in terms of returns over the last two decades, and its share of the market now stands are well above 50%. There are some who argue that the flow of funds to passive investing vehicles has contributed to the increased power of momentum, since more new funds flow to the largest market cap companies than to the smaller ones. In addition, it is argued as the number of active investing declines, there are fewer investors looking at business models and profitability, reducing the pull of fundamentals on price. Public market composition: It is noteworthy that the reversal effect started weakening in the 1990s, a decade when young dot.com companies with unformed business models flooded the market, bypassing the more traditional route of using venture capital to grow. With these companies, where value is almost entirely driven by potential and not by operating metrics today, the catalysts needed for reversal may take longer to manifest. Information sources and access: It is undeniable that investors and traders get information from a wider ranges of sources now than two or three decades ago, with social media and online sources supplying information that used to come from newspapers and financial news channels. In additional to being less curated and controlled, that information is also instantaneously accessible to the public, and price reactions tend to follow.  While I take issue with parts of each of these arguments, there is some truth to all of them, and they have contributed to making pushing back against momentum a more hazardous exercise for investors. The Consequences     With larger amounts of capital being deployed by VCs at young, growth companies, substantial capital infusions from public equity funds into private capital markets, and public equity markets that are more used to and receptive to young company listings, it should not be surprising that it is changing how private companies behave. In the graph below, I look at the characteristics of companies going public in the United States, using the data that is generously made available by Jay Ritter; There are three clear changes over time that are visible in this graph: 1. Private businesses are waiting longer before going public: As you can see, the average age of a company going public has risen over time, with the median age rising about 11 years in the last 15 years. 2. Private businesses are scaling up (revenues) more, while waiting: While private businesses wait longer to go public, they are spending that time scaling up more than they used to. The inflation-adjusted revenues at the median IPO have tripled or even quadrupled, relative to IPOs in the 1980s. 3. Private businesses are deferring building business models & profitability: The most striking feature of the data, to me, is that while private businesses are waiting longer and scaling up more before going public, they also seem to be deferring business building for much longer as well. While it was routine for companies going public in the 1980s to be profitable (>80% were), less that a quarter of the companies that have gone public in the last decade have been profitable. While companies that are going public are bigger (in revenue terms) and less likely to be profitable, markets are attaching large market capitalizations to these newly minted companies, as you can see in this graph which zeros in on tech IPOs: You will also notice that companies going public are issuing smaller portions of their shares to the public, at least in the initial offering, suggesting that the need for capital that drove companies to go public has become less pressing over time, perhaps because of more capital access as private businesses. While the median market cap of a company going public in the last six years has exceeded a billion, the largest IPOs command market capitalizations that would have been unimaginable a few decades ago. From Facebook, with a pricing of $104 billion, in 2012 to SpaceX, going public in June 2026 at $1.8 trillion, the trend lines are pointing upwards, especially if Anthropic and OpenAI deliver on their trillion-dollar plus pricing promise.  Implications     By itself, the trend towards private companies scaling up more, while public, and going public at eye-popping market capitalizations may be understandable and explainable, but there are implications that we need to consider both from an investing and governance standpoint. Corporate governance: One of the reasons that private companies often delay going public is because governance requirements, from board composition to top management compensation, are more stringent at public than private businesses. While Sarbanes-Oxley, which wrote into law many of the current governance rules for public companies, is often toothless and ineffective, it still forces disclosures about governance (on conflicts of interest and board member relationships) at public companies. In addition, public market investors can pressure public companies to change governance practices or top management, if companies underperform in the market place. One of the perils of letting companies scale up more before these governance questions get raised is that the top management in these companies may have few checks on their actions. It is true that venture capitalists could operate as a disciplinary mechanism, but in an age of founder worship and where VCs can be divided and conquered, you can have companies with market pricing of a billion, hundreds of billions or even trillions run by people who are ill-suited for the task. Delayed business model building: If the first imperative for a private business is to scale up, because scaling pushed up pricing both in private and public markets, the challenge of business building will get deferred to a later stage. The problem with scaling up first, and building a business model later, is that it may be too late, since the choices made to allow for scaling up may impede the pathway to profitability. Again, if your response is that VCs will work on fixing this problem, they have little incentive to do so, since they benefit from scaling up and exiting these businesses, before the business problems become too big to ignore.  Scaling stories: If you believe, as I do, that valuation is a bridge between stories and numbers, and that the balance between the two shifts over the life cycle, with stories dominating early in the life cycle and the numbers taking center stage in the later stages, it is understandable that VCs and founders, when marketing their companies are primarily story tellers. I don't have a problem with that, but as I noted in my last post on AI as a business, the stories that are being told for these companies are often incomplete, and almost entirely focused on the scaling question. Thus, in the Anthropic sales pitch it is the growth in the annualized revenue run rate (ARR) and the size of the AI market (huge, but with no specifics) that comprises the bulk of the story, with little or no mention of business models or profitability. Disruption without replacement: Disruption has been a key component of the stories that underlie many of the largest companies that have gone public in this century. Accepting the premise that a healthy economy needs a shaking up of the status quo, and that disruption can lead to economic growth and better practices, it is still legitimate to look at disruption's debris. One of the perils of supplying capital in almost endless quantities to private businesses that aim to disrupt, without challenging them on business models, is that you may succeed at disrupting the status quo (driving existing players out of business) but your disruptor may not be able to build a business that can be self-sustaining in the long term. Conclusion     I am sure that you are already aware of the core message of this post, which is that notwithstanding the current emphasis on scaling up businesses, not all businesses are meant to scale up, and that scaling up comes with challenges that founders may be ill-equipped to meet. That said, ambitious founders will feel the urge to make their businesses bigger, and if they raise capital (from venture capitalists) to make this happen, the incentives to scale up will increase, even if it makes little or no business sense to do so, with all parties hoping to exit by selling to others (public or private) who will price based on scale. While this has always been the case, changes in private and public capital markets have tilted the scale even further in favor of scaling, and it is possible that companies, both public and private, with sky-high pricing have been built on bad business models that are irredeemable. YouTube Video Blog posts on Venture Capital and Scaling Blood in the Shark Tank: Pre-money, Post-money and Play-money Valuations (February 2015) Billion-dollar Tech Babies: A Blessing of Unicorns or a Parcel of Hogs (June 2015) Venture Capital: It is a pricing, not a value game! (October 2016) Risk Capital in Markets: A Temporary Retreat or a Long-term Pullback (July 2022)

2 weeks ago 1 votes
The Irresistible Temptations of Centralized Power

The only "reform" that changes our lives in a fundamentally positive way is radical decentralization via distributing centralized power. Presidents like to deal with the CEOs of corporate monopolies for self-evident reasons: Rather than engage in the tedious, contentious herding-of-cats in nimble, dynamic, competitive sectors, the Prez makes a deal with the monopoly CEO and the deal is imposed on everyone down the political, corporate, workplace hierarchy. Centralized power makes a coup--a forced swap of leadership--meet the new boss, same as the old boss--easy. Financial coups are easier, too, with one central bank and one cartel of "too big to fail, too big to care" banks. Centralized power offers many other Irresistible Temptations. Reformers love centralized power because if they can grab control of it, they can force-feed their glorious reforms (or profit-maximizing schemes) down everyone's throats whether they agree or not: it is against the law to complain about corporate/state monopolies controlling our lives, everyone must install a Flock camera in their bedroom, no one can criticize the Supreme Leader in private, everyone must wear approved Silly Hats in public, etc. Oops, those reforms sound like an authoritarian, totalitarian state gone mad. Yes, precisely. All centralized power arrangements end up manifesting authoritarian, totalitarian extremes of madness, because that's the only possible outcome of centralizing power: petty dictators are soon running the asylum, and loving every minute of it. The patients, not so much. We see this everywhere now, as monopolies are manifestations of centralized power. This is why I call the status quo Privatized Totalitarianism as privately owned and operated monopolies / cartels have the same headlock on us as state monopolies, and the two work together, as this serves the interests of both: you make the Silly Hats, and we mandate their use, and penalize anyone attempting to modify your software, app, device or Silly Hat to evade your monopoly chokehold. We both get rich exploiting the powerless peasantry, so what's not to like? Politics now boils down to a Silly Hats slugfest over who gets control of the Privatized Totalitarianism casino. The only meaningful reform is to decentralize power by demolishing every monopoly and cartel and banning the aggregation of power. But what about "efficiency"? Yes, Privatized Totalitarianism is very "efficient"-- efficient at extraction, exploitation, surveillance, repression, propaganda, PR and social control mechanisms. If the public can "vote with their feet" by moving to a different physical location but they're still living in the same cartel-monopoly economy wherever they move, their "liberty" is illusory. It's like changing cabins in the gulag: maybe this hut has fewer leaks and fewer fleas, but it's still in the gulag. Just as what we're losing by using AI is invisible because we've lost the capacity to even see what's been lost, we've lost the capacity to see the systemic decay of the quality of our lives in the invisible gulag of Privatized Totalitarianism. So even as we thrill to some new novelty or tiny discount, we've lost the capacity to see what's been lost in the slow destruction of decentralized, competitive dynamism in favor of the profit-maximizing, sclerotic gulag we're all trapped in without even being aware that we're trapped, for the key to maintaining the kingdom is to foster the illusions of choice, liberty and competition while distracting us with ceaseless hype about new technologies, novelties and meaningless discounts as "competition" and "choice." It's like looking at a row of different brand products and then reading the fine print to discover that they're all owned by the same corporation. That's Privatized Totalitarianism, well cloaked behind carefully maintained illusions of choice, liberty and competition. And if you protest, it might get worse: "I am altering the deal, pray I don't alter it any further." The only "reform" that changes our lives in a fundamentally positive way is radical decentralization via distributing centralized power. Everything else is just changing huts in the gulag and being delighted with the steady stream of absurd parodies of novelty: "New gruel, new taste, now with micro-plastics!" New podcast: Charles Hugh Smith on the End Game of Repressed Interest Rates: Stagflationary Inflation followed by "Cold Turkey" (29:25 min) New collection of five intriguing stories: Jumble Bin Stories (Kindle $6, print $12) read samples for free (PDF) My book Investing In Revolution is available ($18 for the paperback, $24 for the hardcover and $8.95 for the ebook edition). Introduction (free) Subscribe to my Substack for free NOTE: Contributions/subscriptions are acknowledged in the order received. Your name and email remain confidential and will not be given to any other individual, company or agency. Thank you, Frank M. ($200), for your outrageously generous subscription to this site -- I am greatly honored by your steadfast support and readership.   Thank you, Alex R. ($70), for your monstrously generous subscription to this site -- I am greatly honored by your support and readership. Thank you, Darryl ($70), for your massively generous subscription to this site -- I am greatly honored by your steadfast support and readership.   Thank you, Cav V. ($70), for your splendidly generous subscription to this site -- I am greatly honored by your support and readership. Go to my main site at www.oftwominds.com/blog.html for the full posts and archives.

2 weeks ago 2 votes
Imperfectly Enforced Rules Create Bad Local Maxima

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2 weeks ago 1 votes
📚 BoredReading

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